Cultural Genocide in Bangladesh Demands Global Action

July 15, 2025 • Opinion
Cultural Genocide in Bangladesh Demands Global Action
Share this News

Ezaz Mamun

Since August 2024, Bangladesh has faced a crisis of governance, civil liberties, and cultural survival under the interim government led by Nobel laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus. These measures include eroding national memory, dismantling cultural symbols, rewriting liberation history, and targeting expressions that define Bangladesh’s identity. Several reports indicate that such actions are mainly carried out by allies of the Yunus-led government, including members of the Boishommo Birodhi Chhatra Andolon, the National Citizen Party, Tawhidi Janata, and Jamat-e-Islami. Scholars and human rights activists describe this as ‘cultural genocide’ — the deliberate effort to eradicate a group’s cultural, religious, historical, and linguistic identity. Although not yet formally recognised under international law like physical genocide, this term has been used by United Nations bodies and human rights advocates in contexts such as the persecution of Uyghurs in China and Israel’s destruction of cultural heritage in Gaza.

When Nobel Peace laureate Muhammad Yunus took charge of Bangladesh’s interim government in August 2024, many anticipated reforms, peace, and national unity. However, less than a year later, Yunus leads a regime accused of cultural genocide, persecuting minorities, inciting ideological violence, and intentionally eroding Bangladesh’s foundational history.

Although Bangladesh has a Muslim majority, its cultural identity is rooted in Bengali secular nationalism, which includes Hindus, Buddhists, Christians, and indigenous groups. Following Yunus’s takeover, reports from Prothom Alo indicate that across 64 districts and 67 upazilas, there have been 1,068 attacks on minority communities from August 5 to 20, 2024. During this period, minority groups nationwide documented 2,010 incidents of communal violence from August 4 to 20, 2024. The violence directly affected 1,705 families, with 157 experiencing attacks, looting, vandalism, and arson on their homes and businesses. Some families also faced forced land seizures. Nine people lost their lives amid the violence. Notable incidents include the burning of the Radha-Govinda Temple in Khulna and ISKCON premises in Sylhet; ISKCON leader Chinmoy Krishna Das was arrested, likely for “communal provocation,” after criticising the violence. The Ramu Monastery was vandalised again despite prior national commitments to protect Buddhist heritage. Christian churches in Barisal and Netrokona were targeted with firebombs during what was described as “political protests.” In the Chittagong Hill Tracts, military-backed land acquisitions continue to displace indigenous Chakma and Marma families, erasing their communities and culture. These are just some examples of attacks on minorities’ assets and religious beliefs.

During Yunus’s leadership, protests in late 2024 resulted in attacks on many temples and shrines, with police often failing to intervene. Indigenous Jumma activists from the Chittagong Hill Tracts reported the removal of Chakma language signs from public schools. The Ekushey Book Fair 2025 saw the banning of books on the liberation war, history, the Father of the Nation, secular ideas, and titles deemed “non-Islamic” or not aligned with the ideology of Yunus’s so-called allies. This trend signals an authoritarian move towards cultural homogenisation, threatening the diverse heritage of the Bengali nation.

The Bangabandhu Memorial Museum at House 32, Dhanmondi, was more than just a building. It symbolised the core of the nation’s identity. The residence where Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was assassinated in 1975 stood as a monument to the struggle for independence, resilience, and sacrifice. However, on 5 February 2025, radical Islamist activists, supported by members of “Boisomyo Birodhi Chhatro Andolon”, and anti-secular groups, set the sacred space ablaze. Just before the evil act, a mastermind of regime change had warned on social media: “Tonight Bangladesh will be freed from the pilgrimage site of fascism.” Witnesses reported slogans like “Shonar Bangla Noi, Khilafat chai”. Petrol bombs were thrown into the building. Armed mobs blocked fire services, while police stood by under orders to “observe and not engage.” Within 48 hours, government bulldozers razed the structure. The Ministry of Cultural Affairs, instead of safeguarding the site, commented on the museum as “a divisive symbol of political history”, echoing language used by Pakistan’s military regime in 1971 to vilify the liberation movement. This was not an accident or an isolated act, but a state-supported act of cultural terrorism aimed at erasing a key symbol of Bangladesh’s secular nationalist identity.

Along with physical destruction, an ideological war against memory persists: Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s name has been removed from school textbooks; his March 7 speech has been excluded from audio archives; his portraits have been taken down from government buildings. Government-funded documentaries now promote a “balanced history,” emphasising Jinnah and Suhrawardy, while vilifying the Awami League’s secular roots. Bangladesh’s demand for Pakistan’s apology for the 1971 genocide—once non-negotiable—has been officially dropped from diplomatic channels’ agendas.

Publications emphasising Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s role in independence have been removed from the National Curriculum. Additionally, the National Archives reportedly limited access to primary documents from 1971 due to “security screening”.

During Yunus’s interim rule, the Muktijoddha Sangsad’s activities were suspended due to alleged political misuse. Budget reductions and direct interference have impacted the Liberation War Museum in Dhaka and other liberation war museums. The Liberation War Museum exhibits were either removed or’ reviewed” to ensure’ historical neutrality.” Meanwhile, Zainul Abedin’s art museum, Lalon’s Akhra, and the Mahasthangarh ruins are left to deteriorate without government protection. In early 2025, Shaheed Minar commemorations were restricted for “security reasons,” signalling a move away from the 1971 legacy and downplaying the sacrifices vital to Bangladeshi identity.

Following the ban on the Bangladesh Awami League and restrictions on various pro-liberation civil society groups, the government has also started monitoring academic and journalistic work related to 1971. Many university academics were suspended for allegedly “promoting partisan history” and for expressing their views.

Reports suggest that the Bangla Academy is now run by regime-aligned technocrats, leading to the cancellation of cultural events featuring Rabindranath Tagore, Sufia Kamal, and Shamsur Rahman. Additionally, various media sources also report that the Shilpakala Academy has cancelled over 70 performances, including plays related to the 1971 war and Hindu-Muslim unity, citing political reasons.

Meanwhile, the Global Peace Index 2025 ranked Bangladesh 123rd. It’s the worst position in over ten years. The Global Peace Index 2025 noted, “Bangladesh recorded the largest deterioration in peacefulness of any country in the region and of any country on the 2025 GPI, registering a 13 per cent reduction in overall peacefulness. It recorded deteriorations on all domains, with the largest occurring on the Ongoing Conflict domain.” The report also noted, ”High living costs and the interim government’s inaction have fuelled mass protest risks, while uncertainty over the election timeline has deepened.”

Despite extensive documentation, the international community remains silent and inactive. The United Nations has yet to launch an investigation into cultural genocide. Australia, the United Kingdom, and France stay silent on the destruction of culture, religious freedom, heritage, and history in Bangladesh. The United States and the European Union continue funding “democratic transition programs,” despite reports of violence, repression, and ideological cleansing. India’s muted response, despite direct attacks on Hindu communities, raises concerns about geopolitical calculations.

 

[ Ezaz Mamun is a freelance contributor]

 

Visited 63 times, 1 visit(s) today