1971, Not August 5, Shapes India-Bangladesh History and Future

February 6, 2025 • Opinion
1971, Not August 5, Shapes India-Bangladesh History and Future
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Opinion

Protests against attacks on minorities in India should continue, but the message to Bangladesh from the highest levels of the Indian government should be clear: India is neither for nor against any particular arrangement.

Tomorrow, we will mark six months since the tragic ousting of Bangladesh’s longest-serving Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina. Clearly, the government was cautious; our intelligence agencies failed to anticipate, let alone read, the underlying political currents. Today, Hasina has a home in India, as she should, and New Delhi is cautious in its public stance, as it should be. But to engage with a changed Dhaka and prepare for the future, understanding its past is essential.

This will help contextualize today’s regime under Muhammad Yunus as it demands Hasina’s extradition. More than bilateral relations are at stake. Instability in Bangladesh will impact India. The domestic political debate around “illegal immigrants” (read Bangladeshis) threatens social harmony and exacerbates tensions in the already volatile Northeast, particularly in Manipur, which has been in turmoil for some time. The violence faced by Bangladeshi Hindus is concerning and must be addressed.

Yet, it must also be acknowledged that a key factor behind the current situation is the “authoritarian and arrogant” style of Hasina’s leadership. It must also be admitted that, based on the evidence so far, Yunus’s regime does not seem capable of stabilizing the country. As a result, forces adverse to a free and secular Bangladesh have been reinvigorated. The deteriorating communal situation and concerns among the minority Hindu population are largely a product of the current political climate rather than Bangladesh’s socio-cultural policies.

This is a crucial point that needs emphasis. India is not just a part of Bangladesh’s history but has also shaped it. The rise of Bangladesh as an independent nation is a unique story in the Islamic world. East and West Pakistan, despite sharing a religion, had little in common. After Bangladesh’s independence, the Radcliffe Line, which divided the Indian subcontinent on religious grounds in 1947, essentially became the 4,000-kilometer-long border between India and Bangladesh, over 2,200 kilometers of which is shared with West Bengal. The deep historical and cultural ties between Bangladesh and West Bengal are significant. Bangladesh’s national poet, Kazi Nazrul Islam, was a resident of West Bengal, and its national anthem was written by Rabindranath Tagore, making this bond profoundly meaningful. The values of humanism inspired by both are integral to Bangladesh’s ethos.

It is because of this historical connection that the India-Bangladesh border has remained porous since 1947. Even today, one can have breakfast in Bangladesh, cross into India for lunch, and return to Bangladesh for dinner. Having grown up in the border district of Murshidabad, I have experienced this firsthand. The city of Rajshahi in Bangladesh is visible from my district. My public life is intertwined with the sense of connection that the people of West Bengal felt with Bangladesh’s independence movement in 1971. That war of independence was not about religion but about preserving and protecting heritage. West Pakistan’s dominance over East Pakistan was akin to the German concept of Lebensraum, where expansionism was the primary concern rather than the welfare of the eastern population. The imposition of Urdu on millions of Bengali-speaking people sparked the Bengali Language Movement, and the allocation of minimal resources to the East fueled widespread resentment. Key milestones of the 1971 war should be remembered: the failure to provide relief to millions affected by the Bhola cyclone; Operation Searchlight, the genocidal campaign by the Pakistani army under Yahya Khan’s orders; and the repatriation of millions of refugees to India.

I vividly remember the outpouring of sympathy from Indians, especially Bengalis, towards Bangladeshi Bengalis fighting against oppressors and fleeing to India in droves. This sentiment galvanized the nation and played a crucial role in India’s decision to go to war against Pakistan in support of Bangladesh’s independence.

After the historic victory in the 13-day war under Indira Gandhi’s courageous leadership, the warmth in India-Bangladesh relations did not last long. However, despite ups and downs, significant successes have been achieved. The Tin Bigha Corridor agreement allowed Bangladesh access to its Dahagram-Angarpota enclave from the mainland, and the Ganges Water Sharing Treaty was made possible due to the positive cultural and historical ties between the two countries. This is no small feat, as 54 rivers flow between the two nations.

I visited Bangladesh in 2013 as India’s representative to the BIMSTEC summit and later as Minister of State for Railways with President Pranab Mukherjee. During that visit, India gifted Bangladesh two diesel rail engines. The Bangladeshi media referred to Mukherjee as “India’s first Bengali President” and Bangladesh’s “son-in-law,” as his wife hailed from the Narail district. Such examples highlight people-to-people connections.

In economic and security realms, Bangladesh and India have made significant progress. Bangladesh is India’s largest trade partner in the subcontinent. Notable cooperation has been seen in the power and energy sectors, and many Bangladeshis travel to India for tourism and medical treatment.

Despite recent instability, the deep bonds between Bangladesh and India will shape their future. The forces that shaped history will help restore positive bilateral relations. This will require patience, strategy, and sharp diplomacy.

India must take a firm stance on Sheikh Hasina but also allow the internal contradictions of the new government to play out. The Awami League was seen as “pro-India,” but there is no need to be defensive about this. The reality is that most people on Bangladesh’s streets are naturally “pro-India.”

India must continue to protest attacks on minorities, but the message to Bangladesh from the highest levels should be clear: India is neither for nor against any arrangement. It cares for all lives, all religions; India values due process and democracy and will engage with any government elected by the Bangladeshi people through free and fair elections. The spirit of 1971 defines our relationship and will continue to shape it. The events of August 5 cannot and should not change that. This is in the national interest of both countries.

—Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury
Five-time Lok Sabha MP and former Minister of State for Railways

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