Journalism Then and Now

Ali Shariati Ubach

Introduction:
The late renowned journalist and editor of the daily Sangbad, Zahur Hossain Chowdhury, wrote a column in his newspaper titled “Ata Khan Bhatakhan” during the military rule of General Ziaur Rahman. The infamous anti-independence figure Atauddin Khan was then the State Minister for Finance and Planning. The consequence of such audacity towards the minister was that Zahur Hossain Chowdhury had to endure imprisonment in his old age. At least Zahur Hossain Chowdhury went to jail for writing during the military regime. But now, during this non-military regime, there’s no need to write anything or even speak on talk shows—yet journalists are not lacking in jail meals. They are being accused in multiple murder cases, imprisoned, and subjected to various forms of harassment.

The dismissal of journalists from newspapers and TV stations has now become commonplace. Those who served comfortably for the past 16 years have now taken over as top executives in various media outlets, summarily ousting former top officials. As if removing the old guard was a prerequisite for the new ones to assume high positions. Many have risen from general reporters to editors, from reporters to news chiefs, becoming the ultimate authority. Before occupying these chairs, they portrayed themselves as deprived or revolutionary. But the reality is entirely different. They have seized these positions by ousting professional, experienced, and honest journalists. These usurpers continued their jobs and journalism undisturbed even during the previous government’s tenure. Who has ever seen such media capture before?

Before and after August 5, nine journalists have been killed, and over 400 journalists have been injured in various attacks. During Yunus’s era, 38 journalists were arrested, 389 were accused in cases including murder, over a thousand journalists across the country, including Dhaka, were dismissed, 168 had their press accreditation cards revoked, 92 were expelled or suspended from the National Press Club and other press clubs across the country, at least 47 had their bank accounts frozen, over a hundred were banned from traveling abroad, and many other forms of harassment were rampant.

Many might say that Channel One TV, Diganta TV, Islamic TV, the daily Amar Desh, and the daily Dinkal were shut down during the Awami League’s tenure. That’s true, but except for two, the reasons behind the closures of the others were entirely different.

Only two media outlets—Diganta TV and Islamic TV—were shut down at the Awami League government’s will. They were closed on charges of spreading “false hatred and rumors against the state and irresponsible reporting.” On May 5, 2013, these two TV channels propagated false reports of thousands of killings during Hefazat-e-Islam’s program at Motijheel’s Shapla Chattar. Later, even Hefazat-e-Islam and the NGO Odhikar confirmed that these were falsehoods. For details, you can visit this Prothom Alo link: https://shorturl.at/W2DQA.

The closure of the daily Dinkal in 2023 was entirely legal. According to the law, if a newspaper’s publisher remains abroad for more than six consecutive months, the publishing responsibility must be transferred to someone else. However, Dinkal’s publisher, Tarique Rahman, had been abroad since 2008 and did not transfer the responsibility, forcing the government to shut it down. For details, visit this BBC Bangla link: https://shorturl.at/A6JFQ.

The same happened with Channel One. The channel was closed due to legal violations. Channel One’s management had taken loans by mortgaging imported broadcasting equipment to banks. When they failed to repay the loans, the banks auctioned the equipment, which another company bought—all done secretly, bypassing the BTRC, violating regulations. As a result, Channel One was shut down. For details, visit this BBC Bangla link: https://shorturl.at/WKHqn. Additionally, ownership disputes persist, preventing the channel from resuming broadcasts despite attempts in recent months.

In May 2013, the government sealed the press of the daily Amar Desh but did not ban the newspaper or revoke its declaration. However, false propaganda claimed the government had shut it down. In reality, Amar Desh’s management voluntarily suspended publication. The quick resumption after August 5 was possible because the newspaper was never officially banned or prohibited.

Where did the journalists from closed TV channels go?
Were the journalists from three TV channels—Channel One, Diganta TV, and Islamic TV—unemployed? These outlets were closed for over a decade. Their employees found prominent roles in new media houses. The BNP-Jamaat alliance government issued licenses for 10 TV channels, while the Awami League government approved 33. Not all were launched, but most were. These channels didn’t hire only fresh graduates; they prioritized experienced professionals, many of whom came from Channel One, Diganta TV, and Islamic TV. Without naming names, many became influential reporters covering the Awami League and the Prime Minister’s beat. Some even became top executives. Whether through professionalism or sycophancy, everyone found a place. No one remained unemployed, and no media house was captured or controlled—unlike the post-August 5 Bangladesh.

Where did the journalists from closed newspapers go?
Were the journalists from two newspapers—the daily Amar Desh and the daily Dinkal—unemployed? Dinkal was off the shelves for about a year, while Amar Desh suspended operations for nearly a decade.

Dinkal’s journalists didn’t need to join elsewhere. As the BNP’s party mouthpiece, its journalists worked under various BNP fronts under journalistic cover. Salaries and bonuses weren’t an issue. Moreover, Dinkal primarily served as a shelter for party journalists and workers.

During the Awami League’s tenure, the media industry flourished. Besides TV channels, numerous daily newspapers emerged, and online news portals proliferated, alongside IPTV. Thus, anyone with minimal interest and some experience in journalism had no reason to remain unemployed.

Prize Postings During Yunus’s Era and Their Current Status:
Press Secretary to the Chief Advisor Shafiqul Alam, Deputy Press Secretary Abul Kalam Azad Majumder, Senior Assistant Press Secretary Foyez Ahmad, Assistant Press Secretary Suchismita Tithi, Assistant Press Secretary Naeem Ali, Special Assistant to the Chief Advisor Monir Haider; BTV DG Md. Mahbubul Alam, PID DG Faruq Wasif, BSS MD Mahbub Morshed, Journalist Welfare Trust MD M. Abdullah;

Ambassador to Mexico Mushfiqul Fazal Ansari, Press Minister in Washington Golam Mortoza, Press Minister in London Akbar Hossain Majumder, Press Minister in Delhi Faisal Mahmud, Second Secretary at the Kolkata Deputy High Commission Tariqul Islam Bhuiyan (Tariq Choyon);

None of them ever faced dismissal or even heard of cases, let alone being accused. Monir Haider moved to the US around 2012 for his autistic child’s treatment and a better environment but faced no job loss or legal issues. Some regularly criticized the government in talk shows or columns, mixing truth and lies.

Media Reform Commission:
Chairman Kamal Ahmad, members Shamsul Haque Zahid, Syed Abdal Ahmad, Fahim Ahmad, Jimmy Amir, Mustafa Sabuj, Titu Dutta Gupta—none were ever dismissed. Some even attended all state events despite their involvement with Shibir politics.

Journalists Appointed to Other Institutions:
BSS Chairman Anwar Uddin (Itttefaq), Director of Employment Bank Talukder Salahuddin Ahmad (SA TV), Director of West Zone Power Company Ltd. (OZOPADICO) Rafiqul Islam (General Secretary of Khulna Press Club), PKSF Board Member Md. Khaza Main Uddin (Prothom Alo), Saleh Uddin (Itttefaq), Md. Ziaur Rahman (Financial Express), Shahnaz Sarmin Rinvi (Banglavision TV);

Governing Body Member of Kazi Nazrul Institute Ehsan Mahmud (Samakal), PIB Board Member Dr. M. Rameez Uddin Chowdhury (Purbo Kone), Talat Mamun (Channel 24), Obaidur Rahman Shahin (BFUJ), Sardar Farid Ahmad (BFUJ), Tanvir Chowdhury (Al-Jazeera), Ifthekhar Mahmud (Prothom Alo);

Among these names, only Ehsan Mahmud was once dismissed from the daily Samakal over a news controversy, at the behest of Section Editor Faruq Wasif, who denied responsibility. He immediately joined Manabjamin and later NTV. No one else faced job issues. During Yunus’s era, Channel 24’s News Chief Talat Mamun was briefly made OSD.

No one else was ever dismissed, and the question of being accused in cases doesn’t even arise.

Coordinating Journalists and Some Powerful(!) Media Figures:
Shafiqul Alam, Fahim Ahmad (Jamuna TV), Golam Mortoza (Daily Star Bangla), Dewan Hanif Mahmud (Bonik Barta), Faisal Mahmud (NTV), Sajjad Sharif (Prothom Alo), Rozina Islam, Simu Naser, Rahid Ejaz, and Altaf Shawon Nayan (Prothom Alo), Mahbub Morshed, Shimul Salahuddin, and Syed Faye