Incompetent, occupying government and directionless state

Opinion

After August 5, many welcomed the unconstitutional occupation government. Citizens expected political reforms, restoration of democratic institutions, and an inclusive governance system. However, in reality, there is a stark difference between expectations and reality.

After the interim government took office, a suffocating political, social, and cultural reality has emerged in Bangladesh—where, on the one hand, media freedom has been curtailed and the judiciary lacks independence, while on the other hand, mismanagement and corruption in the educational system, one-sided behavior by law enforcement, and abuse of power by so-called student leaders have become evident.

At this time, the country’s economy has come to a standstill, the existential crisis of cultural venues, from temples and shrines to cinema halls, and the rise of militancy have further complicated the situation.

The cancellation of journalists’ accreditation, signs of control from political parties and the government, and journalists being afraid to ask questions freely amid the fear – all these indicate that the country has not yet regained “freedom of the independent media”.

The Directorate of Information (DII) cancelled the accreditation of 167 journalists between October and November 2024. Last April, two journalists from two television media outlets were fired for asking questions at a press conference of the cultural advisor to the interim government of Bangladesh. Another channel has dismissed a journalist from his post and launched an investigation into the same incident.

At an event organized to mark World Press Freedom Day, New Age Editor Nurul Kabir said, “When we have to celebrate Press Freedom Day, we have to understand that media freedom is being eroded. There are signs of a difference in media freedom in Bangladesh compared to the past. Bangladesh is still far below the index of media freedom. Political parties are the main force obstructing the media.”

According to a Human Rights Watch report, “As of November, the government had filed murder cases against at least 140 journalists accused of playing a controversial role in the July coup. It has also revoked the press accreditation cards of more than 150 journalists covering government offices. Police have also filed sedition cases against 19 people for insulting the national flag.”

Education system

During the Yunus-led interim government, Bangladesh’s education system is in crisis at every level. Efforts have been made to keep the education system running—teacher recruitment, examination restructuring, and the formation of a reform commission—but there has been no visible progress in discipline and quality improvement. Rather, the risk of returning to the old mechanical education, allegations of loss of interest by teachers and students, and the deterioration of university administration—all these indicate that without real reforms, the future of education is heading for crisis.

The Awami League government had started the tradition of handing out books to students on the first day of the year since 2010. Some, if not all, books were handed over to students on the first day of the year.

This time, 410 million free books are scheduled to be printed for about 45 million students in schools, madrasas and technical educational institutions. On the first day of the new year, the students received 60 million books. The remaining 350 million did not arrive on time.

Mob violence against teachers has occurred. After the formation of the interim government, there have been numerous incidents of mob violence against many primary and secondary level teachers, especially those appointed during the Awami League government, and forcing them to resign.

Secondary and higher secondary education

Chaos in the examination process: The decision to cancel the postponed HSC and equivalent examinations in the face of a group of student protests has generated mixed reactions among examinees.

Education researchers say that declaring results like this without conducting the full test could have a long-term negative impact on students’ careers. It will create complications at all levels of education, from university admissions to higher education and even entry into the workforce. Instead of canceling the postponed tests, teachers are giving more time to test takers if necessary, shortening the syllabus, and other suggestions.

At the same time, education researchers believe that this issue can be considered, especially for those examinees who are seriously ill or undergoing treatment during the protests, rather than canceling the exams for all students as a whole.

In addition, 46 vice-chancellors and administrative leaders in various universities resigned, some facing threats and harassment. Classes and exams have not fully resumed in many universities since August.

Problems with ongoing control have arisen from the long-standing vacuum in top management at important educational institutions, including MAU.

Corruption

The pro-government National Citizens Party (NCP) has become more reckless as the interim government, which has illegally seized state power, approaches. Amidst the uncertainty of its political future, the party is now at the center of various allegations and controversies.

Sources say that the Yunus government has not yet been able to implement any of the American plans. Meanwhile, the election time is approaching. Therefore, Yunus wants to return to France quickly.

The reason for the political opposition is that the humanitarian corridor has not yet been implemented in the country. In addition, the other Islamic parties except Jamaat have threatened Yunus with the UN Human Rights Office. In addition, although America has reduced the tariffs imposed on various countries, it has maintained them in the case of Bangladesh.

On the other hand, the NCP, the party supported by Yunus, is also in a bad state now. The NCP, which launched itself with the slogan of mass uprising and moral politics, is now at the center of controversy. The party has faced criticism for allegations of extortion, financial scams and opaque financial management.

Allegations of extortion surrounding the NCP’s July march have been raised in various districts. It is being claimed that although expenditure of more than Tk 50 lakh was reported in some districts, the party’s declared ‘Citizens’ Deposit’ fund of Tk 2 crore is not in line with it. This shows opposition to the NCP’s claim of transparency and ethical politics.

Recently, five leaders of the anti-discrimination student movement were arrested by the police while trying to solicit extortion at the house of former Awami League MP Shammi Ahmed in the Gulshan-2 area.

Earlier, on June 12, ordinary students in Gaibandha took to the streets with banners. They formed a human chain on DB Road in the city to protest extortion by leaders of the anti-discrimination student movement.

Mahmudur Rahman Leon, a member of the organization’s district committee, resigned at a press conference at Rangpur Shaheed Minar on May 8. He alleged that the district convener and member secretary were involved in extortion, lobbying for cases, and corruption in government projects.

A leader of the anti-discrimination student movement was arrested after a riot at a factory in Tongi. Multiple video footage shows him demanding a ransom of Tk 2 million from locals.

Shadow of corruption in the advisor’s office

The ACC is investigating allegations of corruption worth hundreds of crores of taka in the lobbying business against former APS Moazzem Hossain of Asif Mahmud Sajeeb Bhuiyan, an advisor associated with the anti-discrimination student movement.

In addition, former information advisor Nahid Islam’s special assistant (PA) Atiq Morshed has been accused of embezzling Tk 1.5 billion. Rashed Khan, general secretary of the People’s Rights Council, has questioned whether Atiq Morshed was involved in these activities on the advice of Nahid Islam.

All these incidents prove that the movement called “against discrimination” has actually turned into a kind of economic and political occupation under the shelter of power, influence, and patronage. In doing so, the real movement is having a terrible impact on ordinary students and the public.

Shaky economy

Bangladesh’s economy has been in deep crisis this fiscal year. Stagnation is being observed everywhere, from budget implementation to the labor market. Analysts say the interim government’s inconsistent fiscal policies and political uncertainty have further complicated the situation.

The World Bank’s Global Economic Prospects-January 2025 report estimates Bangladesh’s GDP growth at just 4.1% — significantly lower than last year’s 6–7% growth.

The report notes that investment and industrial production were very slow during this period due to political instability and economic uncertainty in mid-2024—which has affected growth. The World Bank report states that inflation rose to 10.34% in 2024—which has reduced household purchasing power and therefore reduced private spending, hampering the economy.

Factory closures and labor market collapse in garment sector

Prothom Alo reported that 95 garment factories have closed in Gazipur, Savar, Narayanganj and Narsingdi in the last 7 months, resulting in about 62,000 workers losing their jobs.

A report by Manavzamin states that since August last year, nearly a hundred factories have been closed permanently and temporarily. More than 60,000 workers have lost their jobs. On the other hand, despite the economic crisis and various ups and downs in the country, new factories have also been opened in the export-oriented ready-made garment industry. This has also increased employment. However, industrial entrepreneurs believe that factory closures and openings are a normal process of industrial activities. This information has been obtained from BGMEA, BKMEA and Industrial Police sources.

Industry insiders have cited multiple reasons for the factory closures, including a decline in global orders, price inflation among international buyers, rising production costs, delayed payments, and political changes.

A report by Jugantor said that the overall economy of Bangladesh is in a critical state in the current fiscal year. There is a fear of facing more crises in the future. Due to the economic recession, there is a deficit in revenue collection. Due to this, budget implementation is becoming difficult.

Government investment in infrastructure development and social protection has declined. The poor are facing further crisis as the rural economy weakens.

Rise of militancy, attacks on shrines and cultural events

The World Sufi Organization reported in January that militancy and religious fundamentalism have increased dramatically in Bangladesh during the past six months of the interim government’s rule. The organization claimed that there have been attacks, vandalism, looting and arson attacks on 80 shrines, shrines and religious sites across the country.

A press conference by the World Sufi Organization at the National Press Club said that although it is not clear who is behind these attacks, there has been a demand to form a judicial investigation commission and take exemplary action.

Various cultural programs, including the Basant Utsav in Uttara, Dhaka, have been disrupted by a group called ‘Tawhidi Janata’. These incidents took place at various places across the country on February 14 during the celebrations of Pahela Phagun and World Valentine’s Day, against which no effective action was taken by the local administration.

Police have stopped the screening of the play ‘Ramayana’ in Barisal on the occasion of the Ram Navami festival of the Sanatan Dharma. The organizers claim that the decision was taken citing threats of attacks and security concerns. However, the police said that the screening was stopped because permission was not obtained.

The latest incident in Gangachara, Rangpur, is that some people attacked and looted the homes of the Sanatan community in Betgari Union, accusing a teenager of insulting the Prophet.

A report published in The New York Times said that Islamic fundamentalists are re-establishing themselves in Bangladesh after the fall of the interim government. The report highlighted hatred towards women, attacks on religious minorities and Ahmadis, and the activities of various militant organizations.

In addition, the public programs of the banned organization Hizb ut Tahrir are also identified as a significant indication of the rise of militancy. The report says that although the law enforcement forces of the interim government have taken some steps, effective and visible results have not been achieved.

There has been a massive increase in militant activity during the interim government’s tenure, posing a serious threat to the country’s social and cultural infrastructure.

Mob terrorism is not stopping, panic and anxiety are increasing

On July 9, a scrap dealer named Lal Chand alias Md. Sohag (39) was beaten to death in front of Gate No. 3 of Mitford Hospital.

Witnesses said that a group of people beat Sohag and hit him on the head with bricks and stones. After the incident, Sohag was rescued and taken to the hospital, where he died.

On the night of May 13, Shahariar Alam Samya, a student of the Institute of Education and Research of Dhaka University, was stabbed to death in Suhrawardy Udyan. Samya was associated with Chhatra Dal politics. After the incident, the police quickly arrested three people; Tamim Hawlader (30), Palash Sardar (30) and Samrat Mallik (28). However, after their arrest, a group of people set fire to Tamim’s village house, indicating a deterioration in law and order.

Inspector General of Police Baharul Alam said that stopping mob attacks is difficult for the police alone; a collective effort is needed from everyone. Even nine months after the coup, mob attacks on the police are still happening regularly. There were 37 attacks in April and 35 in March, most of which were carried out by mobs.

According to the Human Rights Support Society, 119 people have been killed in mob lynchings since the interim government took office. Last year, 179 people were killed in such incidents, the highest number in the past decade.

Political violence and mob violence have increased since the coup. After the fall of the Awami League government, there has been an increase in vandalism of party workers’ homes and businesses across the country, as well as attacks on the Hindu minority.

There are allegations that mobs and attacks are being organized with the blessings of political leaders in several cases. Dhaka University social welfare professor Touhidul Haque said, “When political leaders protect criminals, the law and order system is disrupted.”

There have been incidents of mob violence and attacks on journalists and artists in various places, including the beating of two Iranian citizens on suspicion of kidnapping in Bashundhara residential area, the beating of a doctor in Bogra, and the subsequent killing of a doctor. This has led to an increase in ‘self-censorship’ in the media.

Media Reforms Commission chief Kamal Ahmed said the mob threat had created panic among journalists. Police advisor Faiz Ahmed said, “Law enforcement is taking effective steps to reduce crime, but the situation is not completely under control.”

Arbitrary arrests and false cases

The current situation clearly indicates that there are trials without bail, arbitrariness, and oppression, which challenge the fundamental concepts of democracy and the rule of law in Bangladesh.

Hasanul Haque Nipun, a doctor at the ear, nose and throat department of Bangladesh Medical University (PG Hospital) in the capital, is the accused in a questionable case filed with Shahbagh Police Station. Ismail Hossain of Munshiganj is the plaintiff in the case. In the complaint, the plaintiff has named unknown people without mentioning any names.

However, the innocent doctor was arrested in that case and spent 55 days in jail. Doctor Nipun claims that a case of assault and vandalism was filed against him on false charges. Later, he was arrested without any investigation. The time of the incident and the description of the case file are completely false.

Kaler Kantho’s investigation has found at least 35 such cases filed in various incidents of the July-August movement. Analysis has shown that in most cases, the leaders and activists of a political party have played a role in deciding who will be accused in these harassment cases. Along with these cases, some dishonest police officers, lawyers, leaders and activists of some parties and a broker syndicate have started a huge case business across the country. They are trading crores of taka per case.

Again, these cases are being filed with the intention of framing the opponent or satisfying personal grudges. Talking to the investigating officers of these cases, it has been learned that they are facing many problems in investigating most of the murder cases in the country after August 5. Especially, the autopsy of the deceased, which is essential to determine the real cause of death, has not been done in most cases yet. Apart from this, there is no specific information in the complaint in the case of filing a murder case. The orderer or the person instructing is mentioned next to the names of the accused.

Again, the report does not specifically state who shot and killed those who were being shot. Due to many legal loopholes, the investigation is taking a long time.

Legal experts say that in order to file a murder case, there must be specific allegations. In the cases that have been filed so far, most of the accused have been mentioned as ‘orderers and instructers’. As a result, the chances of such cases surviving are slim.

A man named Solaiman Selim from the Fulbaria area of Mymensingh is claiming that a murder case was filed against him after he was shown dead during the July Movement. When the police went to investigate his address, they came to know about his ‘fake death’ and the murder case.

Selim recently filed a general diary at the local police station out of fear for his safety.

The case was registered at Jatrabari Police Station on August 3, citing a shooting death in Dhaka’s Kajla area. The plaintiff in the case is Selim’s elder brother.

Sheikh Hasina is the main accused in the Selim murder case at Jatrabari Police Station. In addition, 41 people including Obaidul Quader, Asaduzzaman Kamal, Shamim Osman, and another 150 to 200 Awami League leaders and activists have been named as unknown accused.

Recent developments in Bangladesh, such as “arbitrary arrests and retaliatory violence,” must stop or some of the “important” steps taken by the interim government for reform could be undermined, Human Rights Watch (HRW) said in a new report.

It says that the police are once again arbitrarily filing criminal cases against unknown individuals without any trial. In such a situation, the police are getting a free hand to harass any person under any circumstances.

HRW released a 50-page report on Tuesday on the human rights situation in Bangladesh following the July coup, saying law enforcement agencies have returned to a repressive role, which is “dangerous” for Bangladesh.

HRW has called on the interim government to step back from its role of filing cases against anonymous individuals on a mass scale and issuing mass arrest warrants, as well as to stop retaliatory arrests.

The organization believes that reforms are needed to stop political interference in the police, prosecutors, and judiciary and to ensure civilian oversight and accountability.

At the same time, HRW has called for changing the law if necessary to break away from the culture of arbitrarily accusing anyone and making sweeping accusations to suppress dissent.

The report calls for the courts to play a role in taking prompt action to bring someone arrested before a judge quickly and safely.

Analysts and human rights organizations have expressed concern over the recent spate of cases, delays in bail, and arrests without investigation against leaders and activists of the Awami League and its affiliates.

The number of deaths of Awami League and its affiliated organizations in prisons and law enforcement custody across the country is increasing at an alarming rate. At least 30 leaders and activists have lost their lives in police custody in the last 10 months. Most of the deceased are facing false and politically vendetta cases.

The period of interim government in Bangladesh has been a reflection of deep uncertainty and instability—where democratic institutions are weak, cultural freedoms are curtailed, economic growth is stagnant, and civil rights are under threat. The unilateral use of state machinery, control of the media, political influence over education and the judiciary, and corruption and abuse of power in the name of the “anti-discrimination” movement—have all combined to create a terrifyingly repressive environment in the country.

Political transparency, accountability, and an inclusive, democratic system are needed to overcome this crisis. Otherwise, Bangladesh will not just face a temporary political crisis, but will also face long-term social and economic disaster—a cost that will be borne by future generations.

Although the interim government in Bangladesh has completed one year, there has been no visible positive progress in terms of political stability, democratic progress, and the protection of civil rights in the country. On the contrary, political revenge, cultural repression, economic instability, and an atmosphere of impunity have increased fear, uncertainty, and despair in the entire society.

Analysts believe that the only way out of this crisis is through inclusive democratic systems, transparency, accountability, and a strong commitment to protecting human rights.

–Sajeeb Wazed Joy
Information Technology Advisor to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and Bangladesh Awami League activist