Opinion
Is the Awami League publicly holding any political programs in the country? No. Are any of its top leaders visible in public? No. Is Awami League President Sheikh Hasina in the country? No. Does anyone know when she will return? Again, the answer is no.
Yet, look—even in this situation, the Awami League remains relevant. Discussions about the party are ongoing in the country. It’s not just discussion; all anti-Awami League political parties are afraid.
Though absent from the field, the most talked-about party in the political arena is still the Awami League. Even if the party has no visible presence in grassroots politics, its opponents are still fearful.
This is the Awami League’s success—remaining at the center of politics without actively participating. In this sense, one can confidently call the Awami League the “Oxford of Politics”!
Currently, social media is largely dominated by the Awami League. From rumors to any government-related issue, the party’s supporters are constantly reacting. This is influencing public sentiment. The difference between social media eight months ago and now is stark. In July-August, Awami League supporters were largely pushed out of online spaces, but now they have taken full control.
As a result, even those at the grassroots who rely on social media for news are receiving a strong message: “We were better off before.” Yes, they might have already felt this in their daily lives, but when the same message is repeated over and over, it becomes ingrained in their beliefs.
What positive progress has Muhammad Yunus’s interim government made in nearly eight months of ruling? The social safety nets that the previous government provided to millions of marginalized poor people are now collapsing before their eyes. The harsh reality is becoming evident. So, people don’t seem to care anymore about who attacked whom during the protests eight months ago.
Not long ago, people were afraid to speak in favor of the Awami League. Now, that fear is fading. The reason? Infighting among the ruling elites and their so-called stakeholders, along with the rampant corruption of those in power and their allies.
At this moment, people unanimously agree that most of what television and newspapers report is not accurate. There is a strong belief that the media is not revealing the truth. This is not just the view of government opponents—even government supporters believe it. A crisis of trust has emerged, and such crises have severe consequences. A similar trust deficit existed toward the end of the Awami League’s tenure. But in just eight months of the interim government’s rule, it has reached nearly the same level as before.
Muhammad Yunus’s interim government is dragging its feet on elections. No one in the country wants the elections delayed. Yet, the public has seen no clear plan from the government. The main party—the king’s party, the National Citizen’s Party (NCP)—wants a constituent assembly election, while active political parties demand a parliamentary election. People believe the government wants what the NCP wants but doubts its ability to deliver.
The NCP, which the interim government seems eager to empower, has failed to establish a strong organizational base even a month after its launch. Instead, its members are clashing among themselves. The NCP wants the Awami League banned, its registration revoked, and has declared it won’t let the party participate in elections. In short, their entire politics revolves around the Awami League. Even though the Awami League is inactive in field politics, the NCP is obsessed with it.
Jokingly, many say that if NCP leaders had chanted “Allah-Allah” as much as they’ve chanted “Awami League-Awami League” these past few months, they’d have become saints by now!
Earlier, I called the Awami League the “Oxford of Politics.” See how, despite its absence, it controls the political narrative. It’s not just the NCP—from the BNP, Jamaat, and Gonoadhikar Parishad to the AB Party and even the so-called “Aam Janata Dal,” everyone is worried: “What if the Awami League returns?” And yet, the Awami League hasn’t held any political programs since its test rally in February.
How does the Awami League view all this chatter? Would it be wrong to say they’re enjoying it? Probably not. Every night, rumors spread on social media—how should one react? Doesn’t this scare many? It does. Some become hopeful with these rumors, only to be disappointed when they’re debunked. Yet, when new rumors emerge, they become hopeful again with double the enthusiasm. Logically, they should be disheartened, but they aren’t. Instead, an atmosphere is building where it feels like the Awami League is about to return to power!
The government, too, doesn’t dismiss these rumors as insignificant. On one hand, it fears them; on the other, it’s trying to prevent them from becoming reality. Thus, the Awami League remains politically absent yet ever-present.
Have you ever thought—what will happen to the government and its allies when the Awami League actually returns? Won’t they be in a state of panic? They’re already close to it!
Is the Awami League’s current situation new? No. After Bangabandhu’s assassination in 1975, the party faced a similar crisis. Back then, even uttering the Awami League’s name was considered a crime. Sheikh Hasina was in exile, taking refuge in India—just like now. Is her path back unknown? Not at all. In fact, it’s a familiar road for her!
If anything, her path is easier now. Before, she didn’t have the same means to reach people; now, thanks to social media, she does. The shift in perception about the Awami League in just eight months—isn’t that social media’s influence?
Think about it—after July-August, there were loud calls for the trial of the Awami League and Sheikh Hasina. Are those voices as strong now? Not at all! Instead, there are enough people in Bangladesh to label such demands as political vendetta. This change is due to the government and its allies’ authoritarian behavior and lawlessness. Punishment seems predetermined even before judicial proceedings begin!
The way the government, its allied parties, and NCP leaders are glorifying anti-liberation forces, the country is sliding back to the 2008 political climate. Public opinion has been pushed backward in just seven-eight months. If this continues for another year or so, won’t even current Awami League opponents end up supporting the party?
Are you not seeing hints of this? Have you noticed changes among your social media friends? Many may not say it outright, but their inner thoughts are heading in that direction!
The Awami League doesn’t just shape its own politics—it dictates its opponents’ politics too. Isn’t the past eight months proof of that?
-Kabir Yahmad
Journalist.

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