Post-Awami League Bangladesh: What Will Survive – Culture, Secularism or Security?

Mahmudul Hasan Utsho
Engineer and Activist

How is post-Awami League Bangladesh faring? Is there a whiff of peace, or has everything been turned upside down and crushed? The vacuum created by the withdrawal of the so-called “controlling force” of the Awami League is quickly being filled by extremist religious groups. The shadow of the old rulers hasn’t even properly faded into the ground, yet the scent in the air has already changed. This scent is unfamiliar—it smells of gunpowder, burning cities, and crumbling ancient walls. All around, there’s only smoke and the anticipation of another explosion.

Hindus, Buddhists, and Christians have always lived in fear in this land. Their small numbers have made them victims countless times. But now, a new chapter has begun. This time, the targets are the Sufi Muslims of this soil—those who have called upon Allah through songs for centuries, who sought peace by offering flowers at shrines. Today, they are the “criminals” in their own homeland.

This fire has spread from Dinajpur to Narayanganj. The shrines that were once illuminated during Urs nights now burn with the khaki-colored sticks of the “Tawhidi Janata,” their slogans echoing. The administration? Eyes shut. The state? Silent.

According to January reports, within the first six months of Dr. Yunus’s government, at least 80 shrines were attacked, looted, and set ablaze—Netrokona, Dinajpur, Mymensingh, Sirajganj, Thakurgaon, Narayanganj—almost every corner of Bengal has witnessed this rampage. By May, this number has crossed 100. The 300-year-old Bibi Sakhina shrine in Thakurgaon, Dewanbagh in Narayanganj, Pagla Mazar in Sirajganj—everywhere, the same scenes: pandals burning, arches collapsing, animals being looted. Behind all this lies a subtle project—to mold Bengali Muslims into an Arab mold. This is not about diversity but a campaign to establish a monochromatic Islam.

Sufi shrines were never just about religion; they were Bengal’s culture, the meeting grounds of rural communities. Today, these roots are being uprooted with the silent consent of the administration. The invisible force now crystallizing in Bangladesh has struck first at our heritage. And every attack carries a pattern, a message—defining what tomorrow’s Bangladesh will look like.

New Jihad Targets in Bangladesh: Shrines and Sufi Traditions
What happened at Shahporan Mazar in Sylhet is not just an incident—it’s chilling. A shrine caretaker claimed that drug trade was happening under the guise of music, hence the decision to ban musical events. But the reality is different. Shahporan Thana OC Harun-ur-Rashid Chowdhury told the BBC, “This isn’t such an issue. Locals protested yesterday.”

When a historic shrine like Shahporan bans music, it’s no longer just about reform. It becomes part of constructing a narrative of power—one that says Bangladesh’s Muslim society is now on the path of “purification” in the Wahhabi mold. This “purification drive” involves a new generation that has blended madrasa education with the “jihadi language” of Facebook and TikTok. Open calls to demolish shrines, stick-wielding processions in caps and robes, daylight attacks—all indicate a silent state machinery and a scattered societal resistance.

The incident in Sirajganj is further proof. BBC Bangla reported that eyewitnesses saw thousands, including madrasa students, gather at Kandapara Haat before marching to attack the shrine. They broke donation boxes, looted cash and valuables from caretakers’ rooms.

Here’s a question for readers: If the so-called “immoral activities” were the Tawhidi Janata’s target, who then carried out the looting, theft, and vandalism?

Police Inspector Anwar Hossain told the BBC he knew about the attack on Ismail Pagla’s shrine but not Ali Pagla’s. When asked why Ismail Pagla’s shrine was vandalized, he said, “They smoke weed there. They play loud music. It creates a disgusting situation.”

Now, a simple question: When police describe music as “disgusting,” aren’t they indirectly endorsing shrine attacks? Doesn’t the state become a silent accomplice here?

The latest addition to the shrine vandalism spree was Dewanbagh. At dawn, a group suddenly entered and vandalized the shrine. When those inside tried to stop them, the attackers beat them instead.

Who carried out this attack? The OC of the thana, Abu Bakar Siddique, told BBC Bangla something noteworthy: “People from all classes who hate shrines and pirs did this.”

This statement makes it clear—this isn’t just about “fanatical villagers.” There’s a bigger shadow at play. When police say, “People from all classes did this,” it’s evident that this isn’t just about local youth but also political planning. The first victims of the political vacuum post-Awami League are Bengal’s mystic traditions—once part of culture, now branded “haram” and erased from society.

Kendua in Netrokona saw another name added to the list. As preparations for the 64th Urs at Hazrat Shah Newaz Fakir’s (Langta Pagla) shrine were underway, a stick-wielding “Tawhidi Janata” procession arrived at night and destroyed everything—breaking arches, tearing down pandals, and ripping decorations. Police arrived to “control the situation”—meaning they stopped the procession after the damage was done.

The shrine committee claims this year’s Urs was scaled down to prayers due to Ramadan. Yet, the attack happened. Committee president Ali Usman said, “We’ve been organizing this for years. This time was no different.”

But what’s notable is the OC Mizanur Rahman’s statement: “Preparations were being made for the Urs, but no permission was taken from us.”

Think about this carefully. The police statement subtly implies—was the lack of permission an indirect justification for the attack? Has it now become “understandable” or “possible” for stick-wielding mobs to vandalize if paperwork is missing?

This raises the question: When Tawhidi Janata attacks, why are OCs never stern? Instead, the shrine committee’s lack of permission is quietly highlighted. This is the same narrative we saw in Sylhet, Sirajganj, Narayanganj. Shrine culture is now questioned not just by “haters” but also by administrative rhetoric.

In Dinajpur’s Ghoraghat, the attack on Rahim Shah Baba Bhandari Mazar paints an even clearer picture—not just fire but sticks, hammers, and looting. The shrine’s pandal was dismantled, bamboo and ropes taken away. Some even used hammers to break walls and extract rods. It was an open market of shrine destruction.

Meanwhile, the “stick procession” under the banner of Sirat-e-Mustaqim Parishad accused shrines of “obscene activities”—music, drug use. And right after these accusations, the “Tawhidi Janata” attacked—not just vandalizing but setting fires, breaking grave covers, and looting cooking pots and livestock. As if this wasn’t in the name of religion but some banditry rehearsal.

Shrine caretaker Zainal Abedin said the Urs is held every year on 18 Falgun. Devotees come from home and abroad, and this time too, preparations were made with district administration permission. But after the attack, his question was: “Given the situation here, who do we even complain to?” This question isn’t just his—it’s shared by all who still believe in Bengal’s ancient Sufi traditions.

Here, Mufti Monawar Hossain’s statement is significant. The advisor of Sirat-e-Mustaqim Parishad said shrine people “mock Islam’s basic structure.” These accusations of “bid’ah and shirk” have angered people so much that the suppressed rage from autocratic times is now erupting. His closing remark is telling: “But the excesses committed in the process are condemnable. This can never be supported.”

So the question arises: When grave covers are hammered, livestock looted—is this just “condemnable” and over? Or is this too part of the planned “purification,” now a joint project of administrative silence and religious fervor?

Two things are clear here:

1. The government is deliberately silent to appease these attacking groups.
2. Or, the government’s control has weakened, especially in rural-suburban areas where these groups’ influence has grown.

Cultural Terrorism in Bangladesh: Will the Bengal of Lalon-Rabindranath Disappear?
In February 2025, Dhaka’s air carried the breeze of spring and love. But within that breeze, a knife struck the heart of cultural free thought. Right after the Basanta Utshab in Uttara was sabotaged, the Dhaka Metropolitan Drama Festival at Ramna’s Mohila Samiti auditorium was forced to shut down due to objections. Two months of preparation, the labor of 85 theater groups—all halted by a last-minute “objection.”

The festival organizers said, “Everything was fine, I had also sought assurance of security from the police station. But the OC came and said, let the play go on, but only the play ‘Payer Awaaz Paa Jay’ should be dropped.”

And then the old scene repeated itself. As soon as the organizers left the police station, a group of ‘mob’ entered the women’s association and shouted, abused, and pressured them to stop the program. Out of fear, the women’s association canceled the allocation of the stage overnight. The police, however, issued a statement, “We did not stop anything. We always encourage creative work.” But in reality, the festival stopped, the lights of the play went out.

This incident was not only in Dhaka. Proma’s spring festival at the CRB ground in Chittagong was also stopped at the last minute on the sudden order of the railway authorities. The organizers did not ask questions, they just left—they did not want to get into trouble. As if this had become the new rule.

The same picture was seen in Uttara. They could not hold the program even with the permission of the spring festival. Objections to the name of the stage, not liking the organizers—a group of unruly people stopped the entire event using these trivial excuses. The identity of this group? Some say they are from the ‘National Citizens Committee’, some say they are from the ‘Anti-Discrimination Student Movement’.

And in Madhupur, Tangail? The Lalon memorial festival there has been stopped due to objections from Hefazat-e-Islam and Qawmi Ulama. In the end, the organizers were forced to compromise—“We will not say anything objectionable, we will not sing!” In a kind of surrender, they set a new date.

Not everyone names the shadow working behind the incident. Sometimes they are ‘the monotheistic crowd’, sometimes ‘a group of people’. But the question on everyone’s lips is—how did these groups gain so much courage after the fall of the government? The local administration, the police—all are neutral spectators.

There is no end to such incidents, there are thousands of them. Let’s find out some more interesting information. A recitation program was going on in Chittagong. The artists were coming according to a predetermined schedule, their voices singing along to the rhythm of the poem, the audience listening in unison. It was as if everything was arranged.

When an artist was standing on stage reciting a poem by poet Rabiul Husain, a few words came out of the poem. “Bangabandhu.” “Joy Bangla.” “Ekattar.” “March 7.” “Bhasani.”

The words were just words. But that day, it felt as if fire had ignited in the air on the stage. As if a dormant volcano had erupted.

The leaders and activists of the Nationalist Social Cultural Organization-JASAS came running from the side of the Police Plaza. In their eyes, these words of poetry were no longer poetry, but an anti-state conspiracy. According to them, saying all this meant destroying the stability of the country.

And the artist? The one who was just reciting poetry with a microphone in his hand?

He was made to stand in the middle of the stage and harassed. They were forced to apologize. The police were there, but they were not on the artist’s side. They came and stopped the program. As if the punishment for the crime of words had fallen into their hands.

JASAS General Secretary Mamunur Rashid shouted, “Anti-state activities were going on, that’s why we protested.”

But here comes the question.

Do anti-state activities start just by mentioning Bangabandhu’s name?

Who gets hurt when you say “Pakistani vulture in an independent country”?

Do they see the shadow of that vulture in themselves?

The police said that they went and stopped the program. JASAS leaders claimed, “We did not harass anyone, the artist voluntarily apologized.” But those who were at the scene say something different.

The politics of Hindu oppression in Bangladesh: A new tactic of militancy?
The storm did not stop after the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government—instead, it spread to villages and cities. Minority communities have been attacked again under that shadow. News is coming from different parts of the country: Hindu, Buddhist, and Christian places of worship, homes, and businesses are being attacked.

Ranadash Gupta, general secretary of the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council, said that in just two days, 97 minority homes and shops have been attacked, looted, and vandalized. Ten temples have also been attacked.

Prothom Alo says that temples have been attacked in Natore, Dhamrai in Dhaka, Kalapara in Patuakhali, Shariatpur, and Faridpur. Minority homes have been set on fire and vandalized in Jessore, Noakhali, Meherpur, Chandpur, and Khulna. Even the house of renowned Dhaka musician Rahul Anand has been attacked—the house has been broken into and set on fire.

This question arises again and again: Why does the fear of Hindus increase whenever there is a change of power in Bangladesh?

Looking at the history of the last four decades, it is seen that when the Awami League loses power, more allegations of torture against minorities come to the fore.

According to Ranadash Gupta, the first large-scale attack on minorities occurred in 1992, during the demolition of the Babri Masjid. At that time, Khaleda Zia’s BNP government was in power. Then, in 2001, when the BNP-Jamaat alliance came to power, more terrible attacks occurred. At that time, there was a caretaker government after the elections, led by Justice Latifur Rahman. But from the day the results were announced until BNP took power, the attacks continued. Many people involved in BNP politics were accused of these attacks at that time.

Even in the 24th, there was no exception to the incident. After the fall of Sheikh Hasina alone, 278 attacks were reported in 48 districts, according to the claim of the National Hindu Mahajot. And according to the Oikya Parishad, at least 205 incidents of torture occurred in 52 districts. The minority rights movement has meanwhile demanded the formation of a ‘minority commission’ to investigate the security of minorities.

But the question remains the same: why are Hindus so terrified?

Ranadash Gupta said that this is a culture of impunity. The attackers get away with it time and time again. No one gets justice. As a result, it happens time and time again. He also said that those who do not accept religious coexistence are behind these attacks. This has been going on since the Pakistan era.

Prothom Alo’s investigation says that between August 5 and 20, there were 1,068 attacks on minority homes and businesses. Close your eyes and think about it—over a thousand attacks in just 15 days.

Government sources, however, are saying that a lot of ‘misinformation’ is being spread. Some say that many deaths have occurred, some say that the number is being inflated. However, the picture on the ground tells a different story. 40 Hindu shops in Dinajpur have been demolished, and the Krishna temple in Dhanuka Manasa Bari in Shariatpur has been demolished. An Ahmadiyya place of worship was attacked in Taraganj, Rangpur. The chemical fertilizer godown of Upazila Awami League President Atiar Rahman was attacked. At that time, the attackers looted 460 bags of fertilizer in the godown. Temples and houses were attacked in Natore, Dhamrai, Kalapara, and Faridpur—all of which happened simultaneously.

Reader, what you will learn now will shock you. Do you remember the village of Banatara in Dinajpur? Let me remind you—the local Hindus were kept in isolation there for almost seven days. Yes, even in this 2025. An announcement was made over the microphone—Hindu shops will be closed, cars will not ply, and even Hindu fishermen will not fish!

Let us now find out the role of the police. Bangladesh Police has blatantly stated on their verified Facebook page—it is all a lie, nothing like this has happened in the country! However, a BBC Bangla report says—the Hindus of Banatara village are still in fear. Their homes are still surrounded by that fear and anxiety.

Attacks on Hindus in Bangladesh have now become almost a normal occurrence. They are happening so much that the number of these incidents cannot be counted. Imagine, even in this modern era of 2025, Hindu families in villages are being isolated — as if a horrific chapter from a hundred years ago has returned anew!

Bangladesh is actually running in a kind of uncontrolled state. Violence against women, including minorities, is no longer an isolated incident. How many women have come under the wrath of the public just because of their clothes and have been humiliated in public. Women are also being socially humiliated for personal matters like smoking cigarettes. It seems like an unspoken conspiracy is going on across the country to keep women confined to their homes.

This picture becomes even clearer in the incident that took place around the women’s football match. Beyond the field game, the Towhidi crowd marched on the streets, protesting — putting women footballers in a state of panic.

The violence of this attack was not limited to the minority or Hindu community in the city — the indigenous people were not spared either. From the hills to the plains, they are today victims of extreme oppression for demanding their just rights.

Another clear example of the direction in which Bangladesh’s social degradation is heading is before us. The picture becomes clearer when we see that a defamation case has now been filed in the case of the tip-off incident that happened three years ago. Yes, Lata Samaddar — who was harassed by a police constable on the street for wearing a tip — is now being brought to court. Not only her, 17 other people’s names have been included in the list. Actresses Suborna Mustafa, Saymon Sadiq, Anisur Rahman Milan, Jyotika Jyoti — charges have also been filed against them.

And who is the plaintiff in the case? That police constable Nazmul Tarek. The court has also ordered an investigation into the case. In other words, in Bangladesh, the oppressed are accused, and the doors of the court are always open for the oppressors.